Striking a Pietist Chord: Isaac Wetzlar’s Proposal for the Improvement of Jewish Society

Scholar: Rebekka Voß Year: 2015
Description

In 1748/49, Isaac Wetzlar of Celle in Northern Germany completed Libes Briv (Love Letter), a Yiddish proposal for the improvement of Jewish society. In order to initiate exploration of the complex relationship between Central European Judaism and eighteenth-century Pietism selected sources are discussed that concentrate on the links between Libes briv and the contours of German Pietism. These sources demonstrate that Isaac Wetzlar’s Love Letter (edited and translated into English by M. Faierstein) substantially engages the concepts and initiatives encompassed by Pietist missionary efforts to Jews. The diaries of two travelling missionaries from the Institutum Judaicum in Halle who came to Celle several times in the 1730s as part of their quest to convert Jews document that Wetzlar engaged in theological discussions with at least one of them (cf. presentation by A. Siluk, source 1, “Travelling Journal of Johann Georg Widmann, 1732”).

The sources introduce Isaak Wetzlar’s Love Letter as a calculated response to the challenge posed by Pietist missionaries and Christian critiques of Jewish life: Wetzlar’s call for religious and social renewal seems to compete with contemporaneous Christian Pietists over the preferable vision for eighteenth-century Central European Jewry.

Introduction

In 1748/49, Isaac Wetzlar of Celle in Northern Germany completed Libes Briv (Love Letter), a Yiddish proposal for the improvement of Jewish society. Upon addressing his Jewish brothers and sisters with scathing ethical and religious criticism, Wetzlar articulates an urgent call for spiritual and social renewal by outlining a concrete, pragmatic proposal for a reform of Jewish education. Scholars have typically read this work in the context of Jewish ethical literature and as a document from the Early Haskalah. The presentation examines German Pietism and especially the Pietist mission as a previously unexplored, third major point of reference that can inform a more nuanced historical classification of this and similar works. I argue that German Pietism should be considered a significant factor for the question of change and continuity in the Jewish communities of the early eighteenth century.

In order to initiate exploration of the complex relationship between Central European Judaism and eighteenth-century Pietism selected sources are discussed that concentrate on the links between Libes briv and the contours of German Pietism. These sources demonstrate that Isaac Wetzlar’s Love Letter (edited and translated into English by M. Faierstein) substantially engages the concepts and initiatives encompassed by Pietist missionary efforts to Jews. The diaries of two travelling missionaries from the Institutum Judaicum in Halle who came to Celle several times in the 1730s as part of their quest to convert Jews document that Wetzlar engaged in theological discussions with at least one of them (cf. presentation by A. Siluk, source 1, “Travelling Journal of Johann Georg Widmann, 1732”). The missionaries’ diaries, housed today in the Archives of the Francke Foundation in Halle, also prove that Wetzlar owned and read several of the Pietist publications that were authored in Yiddish for a Jewish audience and distributed to Jews by missionaries. Among them were two commonly issued treatises by the Gotha pastor Johann Müller, Mikhtav Ahavah (1703, 1732 etc.; see source 1, “Diary of Johann Andreas Manitius, 1731“) and Or le-Et Erev/Likht kegn Ovndzayt (1728, 1731 etc.). Müller’s writings made a lasting impression on the future author of Libes briv as its reading on the backdrop of Müller’s theological concepts shows. Müller’s major line of argument is the same in the two mentioned works as well as in his so-called „Minor Epistle“ (Kleines Sendschreiben, 1729). While the Yiddish original is lost, source 2 presents an unknown English translation by a certain Mr. Martini, enclosed with Manitius’s diary of March 28, 1735.

The sources introduce Isaak Wetzlar’s Love Letter as a calculated response to the challenge posed by Pietist missionaries and Christian critiques of Jewish life: Wetzlar’s call for religious and social renewal seems to compete with contemporaneous Christian Pietists over the preferable vision for eighteenth-century Central European Jewry.

Reading Isaak Wetzlar’s Love Letter as a product of Jewish-Pietist interaction and entanglement suggests that the quest for genuine piety represented a vital, hitherto largely unrecognized arena of Jewish-Christian encounter. Comparative analyses of Libes Briv and similar Jewish proposals for reform against the backdrop of Pietism have the potential to deepen our overall understanding of early eighteenth-century Jewish notions of change, religious renewal and social reform in a century when change and modernization were being promoted in both societies.

Select Bibliography

Christopher Clark, The Politics of Conversion: Missionary Protestantism and the Jews inPrussia 1728–1941 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).

Aya Elyada, “Yiddish – Language of Conversion? Linguistic Adaptation and its Limits in Early Modern Judenmission,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 53 (2008): 1-29. Morris M. Faierstein, ed., The Libes Briv of Isaac Wetzlar (Atlanta: Scholars Press,1996).

Morris M. Faierstein, “The Liebes Brief: A Critique of Jewish Society in Germany (1749),” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 27 (1982): 219-241.

Lutz Greisiger, “Recent Publications on the German Pietists’ Mission to the Jews,” European Journal of Jewish Studies 2 (2008): 135–164. Jewish History Quarterly 4 (2006), Special Issue.

Stefan Rohrbacher, “Isaak Wetzlar in Celle: Ein jüdischer Reformator vor der Aufklärung,“ in Juden in Celle: Biographische Skizzen aus drei Jahrhunderten (Celle: Stadtarchiv, 1996), 33-66.

Christoph Rymatzki, Hallischer Pietismus und Judenmission: Johann Heinrich Callenbergs Institutum Judaicum und dessen Freundeskreis (1728–1736) (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2004).

Peter Vogt, “Connectedness in Hope: German Pietism and the Jews,” in A Companion to German Pietism, 1660–1800, ed. Douglas H. Shantz (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 81–115.

Rebekka Voß, “Yiddish, the Language of Love: Isaac Wetzlar’s Libes Briv (1748/49) in the Context of Jewish-Pietist Encounter,” Transversal: Journal of Jewish Studies 13:1 (2015), 1–3.

Rebekka Voß, “Love Your Fellow As Yourself: Early Haskalah Reform as Pietist Renewal.” Transversal: Journal of Jewish Studies 13:1 (2015), 4–11.

Source 1 Translation

Diary of Johann Andreas Manitius about his stay in Danzig, his journey to Königsberg and Pomerania as well as to Franconia and Hesse (November 12, 1731)

Archives of the Francke Foundation, Halle, box 52 (AFSt/H K 52)

[…]

Fol. 260: (Conversation with a certain Gottschalck about a Jewish printing house in Frankfurt/Oder, which he operated and where writings in both Hebrew and Yiddish were printed.)

Fol. 261: (It is reported that the Hebrew-German version of the New Testament by Johann Müller is largely bought by preachers, but but Jews did acquire it as well. Gottschalck, however, was skeptical about Müller‘s missionary program. He said:)

[…] good Müller wants to convert the Jews, but it may not have been of much use.

(A conversation with a Studioso, a student, Mr. Prove. Mr. Prove showed to Manitius […])

[…] a Jewish Scriptum on a quarto sheet and reported that a Jew had sent it to him expressly. When his parents voluntarily gave him one or probably even two groschen, he left the house indignantly and grumbling, saying that if he were to sell everything like that, he would starve. He said he could not read it and I should have a look. The title was this:

Love Letter to all hoping prisoners of hope[^1]: To all the exiled sons of Israel who wait for redemption, written in loving kindness for Rosh Hashana 1703[^2]

Fol. 262: In the beginning, as I hadn’t looked at the date, I thought it was a purely Jewish book, made in this new year, both invoked by and refuting our letter (i.e. the Minor Epistle), because it was alarming to me that a Jew had brought it to the house and given it expressly to a scholar. […]

But when I read it and saw that Isaiah chap. 53 explains about the Messiah, very strongly emphasizing sacrifice and atonement, and when I found in the conclusion (of the book): ‘You beloved sons of Israel, I beg you, don‘t take my humble writing amiss; I wrote to you in cordial love and I don‘t wish to mislead you to do, God forbid, idol worship or become uncircumcised (Christians), but only you should do true penitence and receive forgiveness so salvation will come to Israel, speedily in our days, amen.‘ I did not know how to interpret it. But I later read it carefully in its entirety together with Mr. Widmann and we realized that almost the same arguments and style were found here as in A Light in the Evening[^3] and the letter[^4]. Therefore and because we took into account the date 1703, we thought that it stemmed from the same Mr. Müller who had made the rest. As I had heard from Mr. Prove that the Rabbi who had previously been chased away from Berlin upon interpreting Isaiah 53 with reference to the Messiah had come here, we soon entertained the idea that it was him who had edited it, with a different date. In a word, we did not know how to handle it. On Tuesday, Mr. Widmann took it among the Jews. He met an old Jewish typesetter who claimed he knew the typeface and that it had been printed here, since he had seen them help (with it) (?). It surprises us that the book is (still) being sold today. Today (Wednesday) as I am drafting this, we meanwhile intend to inquire about it at the printing house. As I am finally sending this letter back, the beloved and valued brother told me about a new and good example of a baptized Jew (in) Doebiz, 9 miles from here on the road to Berlin, where also several Jews live.

Fol. 267: (Gottschalck tells about Aaron Margalitha, who had been baptized 24 years before and had become a university professor. He uses the very same references “from the rabbis” for his dissertation and argumentation “that our letter and Or Le-et Erev contain, too.”)

[…]

Footnotes

[^1] Zechariah9:12

[^2] [Johann Müller], Mikhtav Ahavah … an Ale Bene Goles Yisroel… (Frankfurt/Oder, 1703). Starting in 1732, it was reprinted many times by the Institutum Judaicum in Halle. In contrast to Müller’s so-called “Minor Epistle,” Mikhtav Ahavah was dubbed the “Major Epistle” (Großes Sendschreiben). Cf. below fn 4.

[^3] Yochanan Kimhi [Johann Müller], Or le-Et Erev…, 2nd ed. (Halle: Institutum Judaicum, 1731). Or le-Et Erev was reprinted numerous times in Halle starting with its first edition in 1728.

[^4] The reference is to the“Minor Epistle,”printed in 1729. While the Yiddish original is now lost, an English translation from 1735 is extant in the Archives of the Francke Foundation in Halle, AFSt/H K 52 (source 2).

Source 1 Original

Tagebuch von Johann Andreas Manitius über seinen Aufenthalt in Danzig, seine Reise nach Königsberg und Pommern sowie nach Franken und Hessen (November 12, 1731)

Archives of the Francke Foundation, Halle, box 52 (AFSt/H K 52)

Transcribed by A. Siluk, annotated by R. Voß

[...]

Fol. 260: (Conversation with a certain Gottschalck about a Jewish printing house in Frankfurt/Oder, which he operated and where writings in both Hebrew and Yiddish were printed.)

Fol. 261: (It is reported that the Hebrew-German version of the New Testament by Johann Müller is largely bought by preachers, but but Jews did acquire it as well. Gottschalck, however, was skeptical about Müller’s missionary program. He said:)

[...] der gute Müller wolle die Juden bekehren, aber es mag wenig genutzt haben.

(A conversation with a Studioso, a student, Mr. Prove. Mr. Prove showed to Manitius [...])

[...] ein jüdisch Scriptum auf einen Quart-bogen und referirte, daß solchen ein Jude express zu ihm herauf geschickt habe, und als ihm seine Eltern einen oder wol gar zwey groschen frey willig gegeben, sey er unwillig und murrend(?) aus dem Hause gegangen, und habe gesagt: ‚wenn er alles so hätte verkauffen sollen, so würde er haben Hungern müßen. Er könne es nicht lesen, ich möchte es doch ansehen, der Titul lautet also:

מכתב אהבה אל כל אסירי התקות(!) המיחלים[1^] : אן אלי בני גלות ישראל דיא אויף גאולה

ווארטן, אין הערצליכר ליבשאפט גישריבין לראש שנת תסג לפ"ק [2^]

Fol. 262: Anfänglich, da ich di Jahrzahl nicht ansah, vermeinte ich, es würde eine pur jüdische Schrift seyn, so wohl ad invitationem als auch ad refutationem unsers briefes in diesem neuen Jahr gemacht seyn, denn es kam mir bedenklich für, daß es ein Jud in das Hauß express an einen gelehrten gegeben. [...]

Als ich es aber lase, und fand daß das 53. Cap. Jesaiah darinn von dem Messia erklärt, und sehe starck auf das CORBAN [Opfer] und KIPPORH [Buße] gewiesen wurde, dannach aber im beschluß fande: ‚Ihr liebsten BNE JISRAEL [Söhne Israel], ich bitte euch, nehmt diß KSAF [Schrift] von mir HAKOTEN [der Kleine/Bescheidene] nicht übel, ich habs in hertzlicher Liebschafft gethan, euch geschrieben, und gehe gar nicht darauf, um euch zu verführen, daß ihr solt CHAS VE SCHOLEM [Gott behüte] ABADA SARA [Götzendienst] begehen, oder ERELIM [Nichtjuden] werden, sundern nur ihr solt wahrhafftig TSCHUBE [Buße] thun und SEHLICHE [Vergebung] bekomen, und daß der GULLE [Erlösung] zu Jisrael komen möge, BEMAHARAH BEJOMEINU [bald, in unseren Tagen] amen. So wuste ich nicht wie ich es ansehen solle, ich habe ihn aber nach gehends bedächtlich mit dem Herrn Wiedmann gantz durch gelesen, und haben gesehen, daß fast eben die argumenta und Stylus darinn seind die in dem licht am Abend[^3] und dem Briefe [^4] sich befinden, daher wir auf die gedancken kamen, weil wir zugleich die Jahrzahl תסג לפק beßer angesehen, daß es von eben dem Hern Muller herrühre, der das übrige gemacht, bald aber, weil ich von dem Hr. Proven auch vernomen, daß derjenige Rebbi, welcher in Berlin ehemals das 53. Cap. Jesi. von dem Messia soll erklärt haben und verjagt worden sey, hieher gekomen sey, so verfielen wir auch auf die Gedancken als möchte es derselbe herausgehen laßen, mit veränderter Jahrzahl, mit einem wort wir wusten nicht herraus zu komen. Am dienstage nahm ihn der Herr Wiedemann mit unter die Juden, und hat einen alten jüdischen Setzer angetroffen, der behauptet hat, er kenne die Schrifft wohl, sie wäre allhier gedruckt, er habe sie helffen sehen. Nun wunderts uns, daß solcher jetzo noch verkaufft wird. Heute da ich dieses concipirt (am Mittwoch) wollen wir uns in der Druckerey weilen darnach erkündigen. Ich leyte endlich diesen brief zurück, da erzehlte mir der liebe und werthe bruder ein neues und gutes Exempel von einem getaufften Juden Doebiz 9. Meilen von hier auf der Straße nach Berlin zu, darinn auch einige Juden wohnen.“

Bl.267: Gottschalck erzählt von einem vor 24 Jahren getauften Juden, der ein Professor auf der Academie war, namens Aaron Margalitha. Dessen Dissertation und Argumentation weisen die gleichen Stellen „aus den Rabbinen“ auf, „die eben auch also unser brief und OR LEET EREF [Licht am Abend] hat.“

[...]

Footnotes

[^1] Zechariah9:12

[^2] [Johann Müller], Mikhtav Ahavah ... an Ale Bene Goles Yisroel... (Frankfurt/Oder, 1703). Starting in 1732, it was reprinted many times by the Institutum Judaicum in Halle. In contrast to Müller’s so-called “Minor Epistle,” Mikhtav Ahavah was dubbed the “Major Epistle” (Großes Sendschreiben). Cf. below fn 4.

[^3] Yochanan Kimhi [Johann Müller], Or le-Et Erev..., 2nd ed. (Halle: Institutum Judaicum, 1731). Or le-Et Erev was reprinted numerous times in Halle starting with its first edition in 1728.

[^4] The reference is to the“Minor Epistle,”printed in 1729. While the Yiddish original is now lost, an English translation from 1735 is extant in the Archives of the Francke Foundation in Halle, AFSt/H K 52 (source 2).