Domestic, Religious and Public: The Use of Space by Jewish Women in Early
Modern Italy
Mirian (daughter of the late Abram Israel Mora) and Rachel (daughter of the late Raffael De Silva and widow of Isach Oliver), the authors of the two testaments published here for the first time, lived in the Venetian ghetto since about the 1630s-1640s. While the former was a Levantine Jew, the latter was a Ponentine.1 In a sense, both belonged to the same family and household, the De Silvas, who lived in the ghetto vecchio: Mirian was a servant while Rachel a matron. When Mirian and Rachel each became aware of their extreme illnesses—we do not know their respective ages—they decided to dictate their wills in 1666 and 1679, respectively, and to bequeath their patrimonies (modest and rich) mainly to the members of the De Silva family. Both testaments introduce us into different and yet, at the same time, complementary ways Jewish women interacted with spatial contexts within the domestic, religious, and public spheres in early modern Venice.
The De Silvas appeared on the Venetian scene in 1623 from Antwerp: they presented themselves as Ponentine Jews while acting in Spain and Portugal as New Christians. In the 1630s they established a broad business network based on commerce and credit with Iberian Jewish bankers in Venice, Antwerp, Amsterdam, and Constantinople. In the 1640s Raffael De Silva (son of Miguel Fernandes) —named in the testaments of both Mirian and Rachel— had a company under his Christian name (Antonio Nunes De Silva) with headquarters in both Venice and Spain. He died in April 1663. At the time, the De Silvas were active in both credit activities and commerce of gold, silver, and textiles.2
Much has been written on the ghetto of Venice that was established (and conceived) in 1516 as an enclosure to isolate Jews and keep them out of view, but despite the harsh conditions Jews had to deal with because of segregation, it became socially, culturally, religiously, and ethnically one of the most fluid enclaves of the early modern world. The large adoption of notarial culture by Jews both Ponentine and Levantine was also a product of this eclectic environment. Mirian and Rachel turned to the same notary, the Venetian Andrea Calzavara—active from 1638 to 1686—, to dictate their wills.3
The Jewish household constituted a site where public and private, religious and profane, economy and welfare, work and leisure were entangled. For Italian Jews both casa and bayit, meaning home, denoted a physical structure as well as its occupants.4 For Mirian, for example, “home” meant both residence and workplace: “in the house of Mister Gabriel de Silva where I presently live and return to.5” Mirian’s own formulations also demonstrate the development of a system of emotions whose boundaries were extremely porous within the household: “everything as above I leave to Mistress Bianca De Silva, wife of Mister Gabriel De Silva, for the affection and love that she has always shown to me and still shows, asking her to pray to the Lord God for my soul.6” Nonetheless, Mirian’s bequests and expressions of affection toward her mistress could also reflect her fears of being abandoned in the last years of her life.7
Rachel De Silva, like Mirian, at the end of her life was a single and childless woman (a widow after the death of two husbands), even if affluent. In her testament Rachel singled out Biancha, her niece who married to Rachel’s brother Gabriel; she also leaved patrimonies of note to other nieces, nephews, and brothers but she saw Biancha and Gabriel as the future of the De Silvas, entitled to perpetuate the family lineage.
Rachel appears also particularly concerned about the donation of a parokhet (Torah-ark’s curtain) to the Spanish Synagogue: “I leave a blanket in crimson velvet, embroidered in gold and silk, to the Scola of Talmud Torah of the Ponentini of this city. It should serve in the named scola as a parokhet, that is, a curtain to be put before the usual place (named ekhal by us Jews) where the holy law is preserved. Neither the named scola nor its chiefs that are of the maamad, appointed from time to time, will be allowed to sell or take it apart for anything except than always being [the parokhet] in that scola and put in the mentioned place (ekhal) on some days of our sacred holidays, with the obligation of having a haskarah recited for my soul every year. In case the mentioned congregation will not accept it with the above-mentioned obligation, [I order] that it always has to remain in the hands of my executors, who will dispose of it in the way that they judge best so that it will be destined for charity works.8”
In 1658-1673 the Scola of Talmud Torah of the Ponentine Jews (also named the “Spanish Synagogue”) went through important renovations in baroque style: it can be considered the first Venetian synagogue with a solid plan of inclusion in the lagoon, borrowing of Venetian architectural and decorative stylistic elements.9 With her textile, Rachel contributed to the local community and its institutions and while doing so expressed a specific commitment to her Jewish Portuguese-Sephardi identity, privileging the Ponentine community and the Spanish Synagogue. Yet, Rachel’s donation and desire to have her parokhet visible were also means by which she attempted to transcend her present through postmortem affirmation in the religious and spiritual sphere. Although female sections excluded Jewish women from participation in the religious services as actors with men, the “windows” of their galleries or rooms -located on upper floors- provided the opportunity to conduct parallel services.10 Rachel was very punctilious in requesting where and when the parokhet should have been exhibited to the other members of her community. She was also perfectly aware that her female former companions in the women’s section during the religious services would look and admire her parokhet from the “windows” of their gallery. In addition, these galleries allowed women an exclusive gaze on men. Jewish women could look out onto the male section below without being observed. There they gathered, prayed, conversed, and even gossiped undisturbed.
Rachel was not unique in associating herself and her memory to a textile fabric for a synagogue. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Venetian synagogues, well-to-do Jewish women had their own voices during the religious services. Their names and expressions of both devotion to God and dedication to dear ones were displayed in front of the aron ha-kodesh in meilim (Torah mantles), parokhot (Torah curtains), and mappot (Torah binders). These were rich, luxurious ornaments in silk and brocade with visible dedications and signatures and, at times, complex iconographies. Made by the women in their homes, these textile fabrics served to beautify the synagogue and were displayed to the whole community during services on Shabbat and other Jewish holidays.11 The Babylonian Talmud includes a specific mention of women’s contribution to the production of the temple veil (parokhet), yet the role of Italian Jewish women as donors of textiles for Torah scrolls, curtains, and binders was so prominent that it was even incorporated into the liturgy of Roman Jews with a specific blessing: “He who blessed Sarah, Rebecca, Rachel, and Leah, may He bless every daughter of Israel who fashions a coat or covering with which to adorn the Torah. May the Holy One, blessed be He, pay her reward and grant her the good that she deserves, and let us say: Amen.”12
Venetian Jewish female embroiderers, although not socialized to view their creations as artistic production, challenged women’s limited agency within the visible “public” space of the synagogue, the ghetto, and the city. For example, Simha Levi Meshullam manufactured, in her house, on silk embroidered with silk and metallic thread an impressive parokhet with a complex iconography. At the center the tablets of the Covenant are surrounded by a glory of clouds above Mount Moriah. She accompanied this impressive scene with her embroidery: “‘He shall carry away a blessing from the Lord’ [Psalms 24:5]; 1680/81, the work of Simhah, wife of Menahem Levi Meshullami.”13 From their parokhot, Rachel and Simha’s agency and religious experience do emerge. Through their inscribing and signing they developed languages of memory and identity.
Through these objects Jewish women uniquely connected their domestic space, where the conception and the production happened, to the institutional space of the synagogue the women belonged to. Indeed, as historians Sandra Cavallo and Silvia Evangelisti have argued in a recent study there is a need to reassess the validity of the different and separated categories of domesticity and institutional as they are applied to the early modern world.14 Moreover, some of the most elusive conditions of the premodern world were the physical intimacy of the household, the lack of privacy, and the close cohabitation of householders with their servants. At times this physical proximity could also foster the development of intense sentiments: affection, loyalty, and gratitude are expressed in the wills of both Mirian and Rachel. These testaments help investigate the triangulation of people, spaces and things and to capture the complexity and contingency of the early modern Jewish spaces in Italy.
Note on the texts In the transcription and the translation of the original texts, I have retained all the original spelling and orthography but I have adjusted the punctuation to standard modern Italian and English.
Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 259, Notaio Andrea
Calzavara, pratica n. 673, 2 of August, 1666, Testament of Mirian quondam Abram Israel Mora.
In Venice, in the Name of God of Israel. Today, August 2, 1666 Considering I, Mirian, of the late Abram Israel Mora, how fragile human life is and certain of death, even if uncertain of its time, and being sick, weak in my body but healthy thanks to God’s grace in my mind and capacities, I thought it to be a good thing to ask a person I trust to write down my present testament and last wills, putting my goods in order. First, I annul and delete any other testament, cedola, and other [documents] that I may have redacted previously, with the intent and desire that only this one [will] counts, recommending my soul to the Lord, God of the heavens and creator of earth, asking forgiveness for my sins, and praying His divine Majesty to receive full mercy with the grace of celestial glory.
I leave my goods, money, credits, as well as chattels like gold, silver, and any other thing, without exception, that I presently possess and [those] that I may expect for the future. For example, I own the salary for my service [that I did] in the past to the late Mister Rafael de Silva and his children; and also the salary for the service that I presently do and I did in the house of Mister Gabriel de Silva where I presently live and return to; everything as [listed] above I leave to Mistress Bianca de Silva, wife of Mister Gabriel de Silva, for the affection and love that she has always shown to me and still shows, asking her to pray to the Lord God for my soul.
Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 259, pratica n. 673 (Notaio
Andrea Calzavara), 2 of August, 1666, Testament of Mirian quondam Abram Israel Mora.
In Venetia in nome di Dio de Israel, Addi 2 Agosto 1666 Considerando io Mirian del quondam Abram Israel Mora, quanto sia fragile la vita humana e certa la morte, ma incerta l’hora di quella, et trovandomi ammalata, resentita alqaunto del corpo, ma sana per la Dio gratia di mente, et intelletto, mi è parso bene far di persona mia confidente scrivere il presente mio testamento et ultima volontà, ordinando le cose mie. Prima casso, et anullo ogni altro testamento, cedula et altro per avante avessi fatto, intendende, e volendo che questo solo vaglia, racomandando l’anima mia al Signore Iddio del cielo creator del mondo, chiedendoli perdon de miei peccati pregando sua divina Majestà ricever quella compiuta misericordia congraziarla della gloria celeste.
Lascio i miei beni, danari, crediti, cosi mobili come ori, argenti e ogni e qual si voglia altra cosa, nissuna eccettuata che al presente mi atrovo, et per l’avvenire mi potessi aspettare come ancho il mio salario della mia servitù fatta per il passato al quondam Signore Rafael de Silva, et figlioli, e anco il mio salario della mia servitù, che al presente faccio, e ho fatto in casa del Signore Gabriel de Silva dove al presente habito, e mi ritorno, il tutto come di sopra lascio alla Signora Bianca de Silva consorte del Signore Gabriel de Silva per il bene, et amore che sempre mi ha portato e mi porta, esortandola a pregar per l’anima mia al Signore Iddio.
Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 260, pratica n. 811 (Notaio
Andrea Calzavara), 23 of November 1679, Testament of Rachel quondam Raffael di Silva, Widow of Isach Oliver.
[1r] Knowing I, Rachel, daughter of the late Raffael di Silva, widow of the late Doctor Isach di Olivera in second marriage, how sure and certain death is and unsure of its time, while being sick in my bed, lucid for the grace of God in my mind and capacities, I have resolved to put my things in order to please Lord God [before He will] take me off from this to a better life and so that this present and last testament be followed. Having a person, I trust, to redact it, I first pray Lord God to be compassionate of my soul, receiving that soul with charity and mercy. I ask forgiveness for my sins and given the celestial glory I wish that my corpse be buried in the lido where the others of our Jewish nation are buried [the Jewish cemetery in Lido] with the obligation of fulfilling every usual service, making the tombstone, keeping the lamp lighted in the Spanish Synagogue for the entire year after my death, and also fulfilling the usual rituals at the seven days, months, and year as is custom for the others [other Jewish dead]. Also on the day of my death, in the seven days after months and years, those alimonies should be done that my executors will consider proper, that is, for the expenses of the funeral and stone and ceremonies of seven days, months, and year for three hundred ducats of liras six soldi, four per ducat.
I leave to my brother Salamon di Silva ten ducats (for six and four per ducat) only once as a sign of my affection.
I leave to the children of the late Daniel di Silva, my brother, what I believe are one or two ducats (of five liras six and four per ducat), to each of them only once and as a sign of affection.
I leave to my brother Gabriel di Silva ten [ducats] (of six and four liras) as a sign of affection.
I leave to the daughters of the aforementioned Salamon my brother, my nieces -Sara, Rachel, and Ester- three hundred ducats (of six and four liras); [of those] one-third to each of them, and they will have to use this money at the time of their wedding.
[1v] I leave to the mentioned Sara, Rachel, and Ester (the above-mentioned daughters of the aforementioned Salamon) twelve bed sheets in linen from local production, one-third to each.
I leave to Sara (aforementioned daughter of the aforementioned Salamon) a small chain in gold, enameled with amber that is musk, which should weigh one ounce circa, less ten carats.
I leave to Rachel (aforementioned daughter of the aforementioned Salamon) a pair of manini [typical Venetian jewels] in gold, enameled, which should weigh one ounce, less eight carats circa.
I leave to Ester (aforementioned daughter of the aforementioned Salamon) a pair of manini in raw gold that should weigh two ounces, less ten carats circa.
I leave to Sara di Silva my niece, daughter of the late Ester di Silva, widow of the late Jacob di Silva who was my sister, the interest of four hundred ducats and ninety-five liras (six and four per ducat) at current change, which I own and are deposited under my name in the mint of this Serenissima Republic, in the deposit of three percent. Those though should stay at free disposition, from rate to rate during the life of the mentioned Sara, since she is not authorized to use the mentioned capital that should always remain conditioned. At the death of the mentioned Sara, those [the ducats] should go to Biancha di Silva, my niece and sister of the mentioned Sara, daughter of my mentioned late sister Ester di Silva, and likewise to Gabriel di Silva my brother, the husband of mentioned Biancha. During the life of aforementioned Biancha and Gabriel, since Biancha and Gabriel are allowed to use only the interest from rate to rate, the mentioned capital will remain free and conditioned at disposition. If the Lord God Master will grant male or female children to the aforementioned Gabriel di Silva with the aforementioned Biancha (my niece), that capital and interest should go to these male and female children at their free disposition, that is, the interest immediately and [2r] from rate to rate and the capital at the time all be valuated at a rate portion to each of these mentioned male and female children. In case my mentioned brother Gabriel and Biancha, my niece, do not leave children, at the death of both this interest should go to the Scola of the Talmud Torah of the Ponentine Jews of this city. This capital is conditioned; neither this synagogue nor its chiefs, those of the Maamad, of this scola, who will be appointed from time to time, are allowed to distribute the aforementioned capital but only the interest, which will be gained from rate to rate. They will distribute that for five liras six and four per ducat, on the day of my death from year to year in those days to deserving Jewish poor. The rest of this interest will be divided at Rosh Hodesh of Chislev in wood and bundles of firewood to Jewish poor as above, and that from year to year. In case the mentioned congregation of the mentioned Scola of the Talmud Torah is not willing to accept what is specified above with the precise obligation, it must declare so right after my death. And in that case, the capital and interest will have to be given to and administered by the confraternity for marrying young women [Hebrà para Casar Orphaos] of the Congregation of the Ponentine Nation of this city. The capital should remain the capital of this named confraternity in conformity to the chapters and rules of the same confraternity, that will be from year to year, each year, of five liras six and four per ducat and given on the day of my death to deserving Jewish poor for my soul in this way from year to year. The rest of the interest should go as interest to this named confraternity. In case the confraternity is not willing to accept it with the above obligation, it must declare so right after my death. And in that case, the capital and interest as well as the [faculty to] distribute that capital [2v] and interest in the best way that they consider in order that they go to charity work will have to remain in the hands of my executors. In the case that the Serenissimo Prince changes the advantages on the above-mentioned deposit, they should do what they judge best so that the named capital will always be untouchable with the above-mentioned obligations so that what I have ordered above will be fulfilled.
I leave a blanket in crimson velvet, embroidered in gold and silk, to the Scola of Talmud Torah of the Ponentini of this city. It should serve in the named scola as a parokhet, that is, a curtain to be put before the usual place named ekhal by us Jews where the holy law is preserved. Neither the named scola nor its chiefs that are of the maamad, who are appointed from time to time, will be allowed to sell or take it apart for anything except than always being [the parokhet] in that scola and put in the mentioned place (ekhal) on some days of our sacred holidays, with the obligation of having a haskarah recited for my soul every year. In case the mentioned congregation will not accept it with the above-mentioned obligation, [I order] that it always has to remain in the hands of my executors, who will dispose of it in the way that they judge best so that it will be destined for charity works.
I leave sixty ducats (six and four per ducat) to three young women who are Jewish orphans (at ducat twenty for each) in order to help them for their weddings—my executors will have to give [the ducats] to those whom they consider best.
The rest of what I own now or anything else that I end up owning in the future from time to time on occasion, without any exception, I leave to my Biancha di Silva, my niece, daughter of my late sister Ester di Silva (widow of the late Jacob di Silva), wife [3r] of the above-mentioned Gabriel di Silva, my brother.
Deleting and annulling any other testament that would be found, willing that the present be executed in all and for all as above, and there is nothing else I want to order.
Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 260, pratica n. 811 (Notaio
Andrea Calzavara), 23 of November 1679, Testament of Rachel quondam Raffael di Silva, Widow of Isach Oliver.
[1r] Conosendo io Rachel, figlia del quondam Raffael di Silva relicta del quondam Dottor Isach di Olivera in sechonde nozze, quanto sia sichura et certa la morte et incerta l’ora di quella e ritrovandomi io inferma in letto, sana per Dio gratia della mente et inteletto ho risolto terminare le cose mei, accio che quanto piacia al Signore Iddio creator del mondo levarmi di questa miglior vita sia seguitto quanto nel presente et ultimo mio testamento. Fatto far di persona mia confidente ordinaro et prima del tutto prego al Signor Iddio haver compasione del anima mia ricevendo quella con caritta et misericordia, chiedendosi perdon di miei pecatti [e] graciandomi della gloria celeste, volio che il mio cadavero sia sepolto nel lido dove si sepeliscono li altri morti della nostra natione hebrea. [Voglio anche] con doversi far ogni fonzione solitta farsi si di pietra [la lapide], como tener luminaria continua acesa nella sinagoga Spagnolla tutto il anno doppo la mia morte, dovendo anche farsi li funzioni solitti alli sette giorni et mesi et anno, come si costuma alli altri; e con far tanto nel giorno della mia morte quanto nelli sette giorni doppo mesi et anno quelli, come si costuma alli altri; e con far tanto nel giorno della mia morte quanto nelli sette giorni doppo mesi et anno quelli limosini che parera a mej comesarij cioè fra le spese del mortorio fossa et pietra è cerimonij di sette giorni mesi et anno [per la somma di] ducati trecento di lire sei soldi quatro per ducato.
Lasio à mio fratello Salamon di Silva ducati diese di lire sei e quatro per ducato per una volta tanto per segno di morevolezza.
Lasio ali figlioli del quondam Daniel di Silva fu mio fratello che credo siano uno o doi a ducati di cinque lire sei è quatro per ducatto per cadauno per una volta tanto e per segno di morevolezza.
Lasio à mio fratello Gabriel di Silva di diese di lire sei e quatro [per cadauno] per segno di morevolezza.
Lasio alli figliolli femene del sopra detto Salamon mio fratello, mie nepoti cioè Sara, Rachel e Ester, ducatti trecento di lire sei e quatro per ducato, un terzo per cadauna [e] quelli li dovrano usare al termpo del suo marittar.
[1v] Lasio alle dette Sara, Rachel e Ester, sopra dette figliole del sopra detto Salamon, dodece linciolli di tella di Lino nostrano, un terzo per cadauna.
Lasio a Sara, sopra detta figliola del sopra detto Salamon, una cadenella d’oro smaltata con ambra ò sia muschio La qual pasara circa onze una meno carati diece.
Lasio a Rachel, sopra detta figliola del sopra detto Salamon, un paro di manini di oro smaltati che pesarano onze una meno carati otto in circa.
Lasio a Ester, sopra detta figliolla del sopra detto Salamon, un paro manini di oro schezzi che pesarano onze doi meno carati diese in circa.
Lasio a Sara di Silva mia nepotte, figliolla della quondam Ester di Silva relitta del quondam Jacob di Silva, fu mia sorella, li prò di ducati quatro cento è novanta cinque di lire sei e quattro per ducatto valutta corrente, che mi atrovo in mio nome in la zecha di questa Serenissima Repubblica nel depositto di tre per cento. Quelli prò dovranno restar a sua libera dispositione de ratta in ratta durante la vita di detta Sara non potendo [ella] disponer di detto capitalle [e] restando sempre detto capital conditionato. Et per morte di detta Sara vadino similmente detti pro a Biancha di Silva, mia nepotta, sorella di detta Sara [e] figliolla della detta quondam mia sorella Ester di Silva, et similmente a Gabriel di Silva, mio fratello [e] marito di detta Biancha. Durante la vitta di detta Biancha et Gabriel sopradetti, non potendo detta Biancha et Gabriel di Silva sopradetti disponer altro che delli pro di ratta in ratta à Libera et sua dispositione, restando detto capitalle conditionato. Et se il Signore Iddio concedera figlioli maschi o femine al detto mio fratello Garbriel di Silva con la sopradetta Biancha mia nepotta, vada detto capitalle et prò à detti figliolli maschij e femine della detta Biancha et Gabriel à Libera dispositione di essi cioè li prò subitto [2r] di ratta in ratta et il capitalle al tempo che siano tutti stimati à ratta portione a ogni uno di detti maschi e femine. Et in caso che li detti mio fratello Gabriel e Biancha, mia nepotte, non lascian figliolli, alla morte di tutti doi vadano detti prò sopradetti alla scolla di Talmud Torà delli ebrei ponentini di questa città, conditionatto detto capitalle non potendo detta sinagoga ne meno li cappi, ò siano del Maamad di essa scolla che sarano di tempo in tempo disponer di detto capital bensì delli prò che corerano di ratta in ratta. Quelli prò espartirano e cioe per cinque di lire sei e quattro per ducatto, nel giorno della mia morte, di anno in anno, in detto giorno a poveri ebrei meritevolli et il resto di detti pro spartirano nella Luna di Chislev in tanti legni, ossia fassi, a poveri ebrei come sopra, e così di anno in anno. Et in caso che la detta congrega di detta scolla di Talmud Torà non volia acettar quanto di sopra, con il sopra detto obbligo, dovra dichiararsi subito doppo la mia morte. Et in tal caso restar debra detto capitalle e pro alla fraterna di marittar donzelle della Congrega [Hebrà para Casar Orphaos] della natione ponentina di questa città. Cioè il capitalle restar debba per capitalle di detta fraterna, in conformita delli parti et regolli di essa fraterna, con obbligo che delli pro d’esso capitalle doverano spartir li deputatti di essa fraterna, che sarano di anno in anno ogni anno di cinque di lire sei e quattro per ducatto, nel giorno della mia morte à poveri ebrei meritevolli per la mia anima, e cossi di anno in anno et il resto dalli prò vadino per prò di detta fraterna. Et in casso che la detta fraterna non voglia acettar con il obligo di sopra dichiaratto, dovra chiarirsi subitto doppo la mia morte. Et in tal caso restar debba detto capitalle et prò à dispositione delli miei comesarij, [che potranno] disponer di esso capitalle [2v] et pro nel meglio modo che parerà à detti acio vadino in opera pie. Et in caso che il serenissimo prencipe retranechij il sopra detto deposito, che meglio parera in modo talle che detto capitalle restar debba sempre fermo con li sopra detti obblighi, acio si debba conseguir quanto ordino di sopra.
Lasio una Coperta di veludo cremesi, in rechamada con oro et seta, alla scolla di Talmud Torà di ponentini di questa città, la qual dovra servir in detta scolla per parochetto ò sia coltrina da metter davante il loco solitto, nominatto da noi ebrei echal, dove si pone la sacra leggie. La qual non possa detta Congrega, no meno li cappi ò siano dal maamad de detta scolla, che sarano di tempo in tempo, venderla [e] ne meno desfarla per cosa nisuna ecetuatta. Anzi sia sempre in essere in detta scolla da meterla in detto loco in alcuni giorni delli nostri fasti sachri, con obbligo di farmi buttar una aschara [haskarah] ogni anno per la mia anima. Et in caso che la detta Congrega non voglia acetarla, con il sopra detto obligo, restar debba alli miei comesarij disponer di essa del meglio modo che parera à detto comesarij in modo tal che vada in opere pie. Lasio ducatti sesanta lire sei e quattro per ducatto à tre donzelle ò siano orfane ebree a ducati vinti per una, per aiuto del suo maritar; quelli dovrano dar li mieij comesarij à chi meglio gli parera all’ora del suo maritar.
Il reseduario di quanto mi atrovo et atrovar mi potesse in qualsivoglia tempo tanto per ocasione della mia detta quanto per qual si voglia causa, nisuna ecetuata, lasio à Biancha di Silva mia nepotte, figliolla della quondam mia sorella Ester di Silva (relitta del quondam Jacob de Silva), consorte [3r] di domino Gabriel di Silva mio fratello di sopra nominatta comesaria et esichutrice del presente mio testamento.
Casando et anulando ogni altro mio testamento che si trovasse volendo che il presente sia eseguitto in tutto per tutto come sopra ne altro voglio ordinar.
Footnotes
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Archivio di Stato di Venezia (hereafter, ASVE), Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 259, pratica n. 673, 2 of August, 1666, Testament of Mirian quondam Abram Israel Mora; ASVE, Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 260, pratica n. 811, 23 of November 1679, Testament of Rachel quondam Raffael di Silva, Widow of Isach Oliver. In Venice, the term “Ponentini” referred to Iberian Jews while “Levantini,” in the Jewish context referred specifically to Sephardi Jews who were subjected to the Ottoman Empire before moving back to Europe. ↩
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Federica Ruspio, La Nazione Portoghese. Ebrei ponentini e nuovi cristiani a Venezia (Turin: Silvio Zamorani Editore, 2007), 306-308. ↩
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For a contextualization of other testaments dictated by Jewish women in Venice, see Carla Boccato,“Aspetti della condizione femminile nel Ghetto di Venezia (Secolo XVII): I Testamenti,” Italia X (1993): 105–135; Federica Francesconi, “‘And if I Could, I Would Leave Her More…’: Women’s Voices, Emotions, and Objects from the Venetian Ghetto in the Seventeenth Century.” In From Catalonia to the Caribbean: The Sephardic Orbit from Medieval to Modern Times: Essays in Honor of Jane. S. Gerber, edited by Federica Francesconi, Stanley Mirvis and Brian M. Smollett (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 311-329. ↩
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According to the analysis of the house in the contemporary Christian society in Elizabeth Cohen and Thomas Cohen, “Open and Shut: The Social Meanings of the Cinquecento Roman House,” Studies in Decorative Arts, Vol. 9, No. 1 (Fall-Winter 2001-2002): 61-84. For a recent assessment of the Jewish household in early modern Venice, see Federica Francesconi, “The Venetian Jewish Household as a Multireligious Community in Early Modern Italy.” In Global Reformations: Transforming Early Modern Religions, Societies, and Cultures, edited by Nicholas Terpstra (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), 231-248. ↩
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ASVE, Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 259, pratica n. 673. ↩
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Ibid. ↩
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I wish to thank Elisheva Carlebach for suggesting this interpretation. ↩
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ASVE, Fondo Notarile, Testamenti, busta n. 260, pratica n. 811. ↩
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On the Venetian ghetto and its architecture, see Ennio Concina, “Parva Jerusalem,” in La città degli Ebrei. Il ghetto di Venezia: Architettura e Urbanistica, eds. Ennio Concina, Donatella Calabi and Umberto Camerin (Venice: Albrizzi Editore, 1991), 11-155. ↩
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Stow, Jews in Rome, 1: xxxv, 2: no. 5, 116r. ↩
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For the most detailed collection of examples, see Vivian B. Mann, ed., Gardens and Ghettos: The Art of Jewish Life in Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). ↩
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Aliza Lavie, Jewish Woman’s Prayer Book (New York: Spiegel & Grau, 2008), 224. ↩
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Gardens and Ghettos, catalogue n. 144, 276-77; Federica Francesconi, “Jewish Women in Early Modern Italy,” in Jewish Women’s History from Antiquity to the Present, eds. Federica Francesconi and Rebecca Winer (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2021), 143-168, 160-161. ↩
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Sandra Cavallo and Silvia Evangelisti, “Introduction,” in Domestic Institutional Interiors in Early Modern Europe, eds. Sandra Cavallo and Silvia Evangelisti (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2009), 1-23. ↩